Showing posts with label First Amendment rights. Show all posts
Showing posts with label First Amendment rights. Show all posts
Wednesday, February 10, 2016
Twitter putting anti American & Anti Israel group in charge of 'censorship'.
Twitter putting anti American & Anti Israel group in charge of 'censorship'. HT: FrontpageMag.
Twitter has unveiled its "Trust and Safety Council" under the creepily Orwellian slogan, "When it comes to safety, everyone plays a role". These groups will be helping set censorship policy for the site.
The Trust and Safety Council incorporates a laundry list of organizations, most obsessed with identity politics, bullying of hate speech, some of them more problematic than others. So while the Dangerous Speech Project suggests that countering speech is better than censorship, Twitter's Trust and Safety Council also includes Feminist Frequency.
Stuart K. Hayashi had discussed the problems with Feminist Frequency earlier this year. Jonathan McIntosh,the man behind Feminist Frequency, is a radical leftist who has smeared American soldiers and attacked Israel and complained about people celebrating the death of Osama bin Laden.
Aside from McIntosh's politics, it's very problematic that a man who hates free speech this much will be helping set censorship policy for Twitter's Trust and Safety Council.
McIntosh is also vehemently anti-Israel. Over the years, McIntosh has been at many anti-Israel rallies, using his photography skills to put forward an anti-Israel message. His work can be seen on Boston Indymedia, The Electronic Intifada, and a .PDF file from endtheoccupation.org. Each one credits McIntosh, and the Boston Indymedia and Electronic Intifada link back to an old site of McIntosh’s called capedmaskedandarmed.com. McIntosh has taken the site down recently, but it didn’t stop the citizens of the internet to archive his website, proving that it is the same McIntosh from Feminist Frequency that is attending these anti-Israel rallies.
Anita Sarkeesian, the front woman for Feminist Frequency, helped promote a UN Broadband Council report which quoted Lyndon LaRouche and was described by The Telegraph as a blueprint for internet censorship. Read the full story here. More here.
Friday, September 26, 2014
Video - Erdoğan’s 'Guards' Quarrel With NYPD and freedom of speech.
Video - Erdoğan’s
A group of pedestrians from Turkey protested President Erdoğan in the streets of New York City during his last day of trip. A quarrel took place as Erdoğan’s guards pushed away protestors and NYC police attempted to detain the guards.
The incident took place as Erdoğan left a dinner gathering organized by TURKEN Foundation and a group of pedestrians from Turkey protested President Erdoğan. Tension arose between Erdoğan’s guards and NYC police as the guards allegedly pushed away protestors.
The guards also intervened a policeman with his hand. They also hit the hand of a woman who was shooting the scene with a cellphone camera. NYC police attempted to detain the guard.
Following the calming of tensions, a guard lit a cigarette - an act warned by NYC police saying that it is was non-smoking area. (EA/BM) Hmmm....Anyone recall Ahmadinejad his
Thursday, September 25, 2014
Video - Erdogan’s bodyguards intervene protesters in NewYork! then US police officer tells them to ‘go away’
HT: WashingtonPoint.
So, Erdogan’s nephew, advisers roughed up & kicked out a Turkish journalist —then bodyguards intervened protestors in NY.
—
Live like Turkey
— ilhan tanir (@WashingtonPoint) September 25, 2014
Erdogan’s bodyguards intervene protestors in NewYork! then US police officer tells them to ‘go away’ v @Ladyimam http://t.co/MyB6lL0DTQ
— ilhan tanir (@WashingtonPoint) September 25, 2014
Erdoğan's men attack 2 journalists from Zaman, Bugün in US
@PieroCastellano @nipped Journalist is attacked by President Erdogan's nephew and bodyguards in NY. pic.twitter.com/ry2W143vaS
— freespeech (@freethought41) September 25, 2014
via @asfaltosman Gülenist journalist claims he was assaulted by figures close to Erdoğan in New York hotel: pic.twitter.com/WuG515F3Jy
— Ankaralı Jan (@06JAnk) September 25, 2014
Journalist @ademyavuza tweets he was roughed up by Pres Erdogan’s bodyguards, kicked out of NewYork hotel, Peninsula pic.twitter.com/9mA36SPQeN
— ilhan tanir (@WashingtonPoint) September 25, 2014
Sunday, May 20, 2012
U.S. Leads Effort to Criminalize Free Speech.
U.S. Leads Effort to Criminalize Free Speech. Middle East Forum.By Ann Snyder.
Gatestone Institute.
May 16, 2012.
The Human Rights Council concluded its nineteenth session on March 23, 2012 and adopted, without a vote, yet another resolution aimed at restricting freedom of speech throughout the world. While its title[1], as usual, suggests it is about combating intolerance based on religion, its plain language shows that, once again, speech is the real target.
One of its sponsors, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (formerly the Organization of the Islamic Conference or "OIC" ), has, for over a decade, introduced speech-restrictive resolutions at the United Nations. In the past, these resolutions contained explicit language about "defamation of religions." Last year, however, when the OIC introduced Resolution 16/18 without the term "defamation of religions," the West's resistance to the OIC's efforts faltered (discussed here). The "defamation of religions" concept had been easy for Western countries to rally against, in part, because it seemed to attach rights to a concept (here, religion) rather than to individuals. But, dropping that term was little more than a cosmetic change leaving speech-targeting language behind and the OIC's speech-restrictive agenda intact.
Resolution 19/25, like 16/18, specifically "condemns" certain types of speech and "urges States to take effective measures as set forth in the present resolution, consistent with their obligations under international human rights law, to address and combat such incidents." (emphasis added) In short, it is an explicit call to action for states to curtail certain types of speech.
The "advocacy" (read: speech) that the resolution "condemns" and calls on states to limit is "any advocacy of religious hatred against individuals that constitutes incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence" using "print, audio-visual or electronic media or any other means." This language almost directly parallels International Covenant of Civil and Political Rights Article 20(2), which reads: "Any advocacy of national, racial or religious hatred that constitutes incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence shall be prohibited by law."
At the time Article 20 was being debated, there was little doubt that it was about limiting speech; and indeed, concerns were raised about the potential for abuse of the provision to limit an essential right. Further, when the United States finally ratified the ICCPR in 1992, it did so with an explicit reservation to Article 20, reading: "That Article 20 does not authorize or require legislation or other action by the United States that would restrict the right of free speech and association protected by the Constitution and laws of the United States."
The language of ICCPR Article 20 and Resolutions 16/18 and 19/25 bears a striking resemblance to the "hate speech" provisions that have proliferated throughout Europe and that are already being used to silence speech (as the trials of Geert Wilders, Lars Hedegaard, and others demonstrate).
Further, conceptually, "defamation of religions" and "hate speech" were already linked in prior resolutions. It is puzzling, therefore, that the West was so easily duped into believing that dropping the "defamation of religions" language was any kind of substantive victory. Although the most recent resolutions stop short of Article 20's language, leaving out "shall be prohibited by law," it hardly matters. The OIC's agenda can simply be pushed instead through "hate speech" laws that already exist. (By its own statements, the OIC has not changed its goals, nor has it abandoned the concept.) The shift in wording has simply lost us allies in resisting it.
That a resolution without an explicit reference to "defamation of religions" but that retained "hate speech" language would be more appealing to European allies is not surprising. Most European countries have already adopted some form of "hate speech" laws -- but to terrible effect -- on freedom of speech. With regard to this issue, the United States had stood alone—"hate speech" is currently not proscribed here, although we appear headed in that direction: since the United States supported the resolution, how could we expect our Western allies to resist?
Our Secretary of State applauded the OIC and described efforts leading to Resolution 16/18 as beginning "to overcome the false divide that pits religious sensitivities against freedom of expression." Far from demanding a "reservations clause" of any kind, the United States, instead, sponsored a three-day, closed-door meeting in Washington, DC last December on implementing 16/18 —a meeting in a series called the "Istanbul Process." Taking its lead from the US, the European Union then offered to host the next session, an initiative the OIC hailedas a "a qualitative shift in action against the phenomenon of Islamophobia."
In short, a mere cosmetic change in a resolution has resulted in a radical shift in the West's—and specifically United States' and therefore Europe's —policy toward the OIC's efforts to restrict free speech..
If we do not wake up, recognize the implications of that policy shift, and reverse course, this "mere" cosmetic change may result in a radical shift in the protections for freedom of speech in the United States.
One of its sponsors, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (formerly the Organization of the Islamic Conference or "OIC" ), has, for over a decade, introduced speech-restrictive resolutions at the United Nations. In the past, these resolutions contained explicit language about "defamation of religions." Last year, however, when the OIC introduced Resolution 16/18 without the term "defamation of religions," the West's resistance to the OIC's efforts faltered (discussed here). The "defamation of religions" concept had been easy for Western countries to rally against, in part, because it seemed to attach rights to a concept (here, religion) rather than to individuals. But, dropping that term was little more than a cosmetic change leaving speech-targeting language behind and the OIC's speech-restrictive agenda intact.
Resolution 19/25, like 16/18, specifically "condemns" certain types of speech and "urges States to take effective measures as set forth in the present resolution, consistent with their obligations under international human rights law, to address and combat such incidents." (emphasis added) In short, it is an explicit call to action for states to curtail certain types of speech.
The "advocacy" (read: speech) that the resolution "condemns" and calls on states to limit is "any advocacy of religious hatred against individuals that constitutes incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence" using "print, audio-visual or electronic media or any other means." This language almost directly parallels International Covenant of Civil and Political Rights Article 20(2), which reads: "Any advocacy of national, racial or religious hatred that constitutes incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence shall be prohibited by law."
At the time Article 20 was being debated, there was little doubt that it was about limiting speech; and indeed, concerns were raised about the potential for abuse of the provision to limit an essential right. Further, when the United States finally ratified the ICCPR in 1992, it did so with an explicit reservation to Article 20, reading: "That Article 20 does not authorize or require legislation or other action by the United States that would restrict the right of free speech and association protected by the Constitution and laws of the United States."
The language of ICCPR Article 20 and Resolutions 16/18 and 19/25 bears a striking resemblance to the "hate speech" provisions that have proliferated throughout Europe and that are already being used to silence speech (as the trials of Geert Wilders, Lars Hedegaard, and others demonstrate).
Further, conceptually, "defamation of religions" and "hate speech" were already linked in prior resolutions. It is puzzling, therefore, that the West was so easily duped into believing that dropping the "defamation of religions" language was any kind of substantive victory. Although the most recent resolutions stop short of Article 20's language, leaving out "shall be prohibited by law," it hardly matters. The OIC's agenda can simply be pushed instead through "hate speech" laws that already exist. (By its own statements, the OIC has not changed its goals, nor has it abandoned the concept.) The shift in wording has simply lost us allies in resisting it.
That a resolution without an explicit reference to "defamation of religions" but that retained "hate speech" language would be more appealing to European allies is not surprising. Most European countries have already adopted some form of "hate speech" laws -- but to terrible effect -- on freedom of speech. With regard to this issue, the United States had stood alone—"hate speech" is currently not proscribed here, although we appear headed in that direction: since the United States supported the resolution, how could we expect our Western allies to resist?
Our Secretary of State applauded the OIC and described efforts leading to Resolution 16/18 as beginning "to overcome the false divide that pits religious sensitivities against freedom of expression." Far from demanding a "reservations clause" of any kind, the United States, instead, sponsored a three-day, closed-door meeting in Washington, DC last December on implementing 16/18 —a meeting in a series called the "Istanbul Process." Taking its lead from the US, the European Union then offered to host the next session, an initiative the OIC hailedas a "a qualitative shift in action against the phenomenon of Islamophobia."
In short, a mere cosmetic change in a resolution has resulted in a radical shift in the West's—and specifically United States' and therefore Europe's —policy toward the OIC's efforts to restrict free speech..
If we do not wake up, recognize the implications of that policy shift, and reverse course, this "mere" cosmetic change may result in a radical shift in the protections for freedom of speech in the United States.
Ann Snyder serves as a Senior Fellow of The Legal Project, an activity of the Middle East Forum.[1] "Combating intolerance, negative stereotyping and stigmatization of, and discrimination, incitement to violence and violence against, persons based on religion or belief"
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Thursday, May 17, 2012
NDAA Military Detention Law Blocked by New York Judge.
NDAA Military Detention Law Blocked by New York Judge.(Bloomberg).Opponents of a U.S. law they claim may subject them to indefinite military detention for activities including news reporting and political activism persuaded a federal judge to temporarily block the measure.
U.S. District Judge Katherine Forrest in Manhattan yesterday ruled in favor of a group of writers and activists who sued President Barack Obama, Defense Secretary Leon Panetta and the Defense Department, claiming a provision of the National Defense Authorization Act, signed into law Dec. 31, puts them in fear that they could be arrested and held by U.S. armed forces.
The complaint was filed Jan. 13 by a group including former New York Times reporter Christopher Hedges. The plaintiffs contend a section of the law allows for detention of citizens and permanent residents taken into custody in the U.S. on “suspicion of providing substantial support” to people engaged in hostilities against the U.S., such as al-Qaeda. “The statute at issue places the public at undue risk of having their speech chilled for the purported protection from al-Qaeda, the Taliban, and ‘associated forces’ - i.e., ‘foreign terrorist organizations,’” Forrest said in an opinion yesterday.
“The vagueness of Section 1021 does not allow the average citizen, or even the government itself, to understand with the type of definiteness to which our citizens are entitled, or what conduct comes within its scope.”
The plaintiffs claim Section 1021 is vague and can be read to authorize their detention based on speech and associations that are protected by the First Amendment to the Constitution. Hedges and two other plaintiffs testified in a hearing before Forrest in March, the judge said. A fourth plaintiff submitted a sworn declaration. The government put on no evidence, Forrest said.
Forrest, an Obama appointee who has served on the Manhattan federal court since October, rejected the government’s arguments that the plaintiffs lacked standing to sue over the law and that it merely reaffirmed provisions in an earlier law, the 2001 Authorization for Use of Military Force, which was passed in the wake of the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks.
In her opinion, Forrest said the government declined to say that the activities of Hedges and the other defendants don’t fall under the provision. Forrest held a hearing in March at which government lawyers didn’t call any witnesses or present evidence, according to the judge. The government did cross- examine the plaintiffs who testified and submitted legal arguments. “The government was given a number of opportunities at the hearing and in its briefs to state unambiguously that the type of expressive and associational activities engaged in by plaintiffs -- or others -- are not within Section 1021,” Forrest said. “It did not. This court therefore must credit the chilling impact on First Amendment rights as reasonable -- and real.”Read the full story here.
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